The revision of Georgia’s new electoral law has spurred Governor Brian Kemp’s efforts to reconnect with conservative hardliners. He was furious that the Republican executive failed to help overcome the loss of former President Donald Trump last November. But the new GOP-backed law has not appeased the most intense Trump loyalists.

The next measure of their anger – and Kemp’s standing in the 2022 re-election – comes Saturday as many local Republican committees across Georgia consider proposals to reprimand the governor for failing to undo President Joe Biden’s victory in Georgia. The county conventions come a day after Kemp drew his first main antagonist in 2022 after weathering Trump’s wrath for months.

“It doesn’t matter what Kemp does,” said Conservative activist Debbie Dooley, who leads the blame effort. “The base is angry.”

For now, Kemp remains a clear favorite to win his party’s nomination for a second term. His only announced opponent is a former Democratic lawmaker, Vernon Jones, who sought the GOP spotlight by approving Trump’s re-election offer and then accepting the former president’s false claims that the 2020 election had been rigged.

Kemp has since benefited from Georgia being the first Republican-led state to introduce new voting procedures, including tightening postal voting rules. The governor doubled his position in the face of corporate criticism and Major League Baseball’s decision to move the Georgia All-Star Summer Game.


Big business, said Kemp, is “afraid” of “bright liberals” and “breaking off culture”.

That was enough to praise some Republicans, especially in the suburb of Cobb County, where the Atlanta Braves would have hosted the All-Star Game. But the surge of distrust has not gone away.

Two counties in northern Georgia agreed to the convictions last week. Dooley said she had conversations with Republicans in a few dozen other counties where activists were censoring Kemp, Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger and Lt. Gov. Support Geoff Duncan. She said she would consider it a victory if half a dozen counties voted to criticize.

That’s a fraction of Georgia’s 159 counties, but the potential fallout is enough that Kemp’s allies worked in local Republican ranks to try to hasten resolutions.

Ryan Mahoney, Kemp’s top campaign advisor, said the strategy was “to remind grassroots activists that he is an advocate for life, economic growth and opportunity, expanding access to health and now leading the fight against the culture of demolition” .

Jones offered a different assessment of the governor on Friday when he launched his 2022 campaign.

“You saw me standing right next to Donald Trump, just like you. I did more than conservative struggle side by side for you and for our elections and for America first than the governor and all these RINOs put together,” said Jones . RINO is an abbreviation for “Republicans in Name Only”.

Trump has not indicated whether he will support Jones.

Jones reiterated Trump’s attacks that Kemp’s refusal to overthrow the November elections cost Republicans the White House, and Jones added that Kemp’s inaction cost Republicans two runoff elections in January in the U.S. Senate, which gave Democrats the full Gained control of Capitol Hill.

Those close to Kemp see perhaps the best type of primary challenge for an incumbent in Jones’s candidacy.

If Jones gets the attention, Kemp can raise money and prevail with conservatives who might otherwise not be interested. But Jones, they argue, does not come to the matchup with the same established, high-profile Conservative identity as other figures that Trump loyalists have urged to lead, particularly former MP Doug Collins.

Kemp’s allies, however, acknowledge frustrations within the GOP base and recognize that re-election of the governor is not just about winning the nomination. It could also depend on whether the GOP coalition is intact enough to win a competitive parliamentary election.

The counties that Kemp has already censored – Murray and Whitfield – show the risks.

Trump received 70% of the vote in Whitfield last November. Kemp achieved an even larger share of 72% in 2018. The decisions of no confidence were nevertheless adopted with 34: 2. In neighboring Murray County, Kemp’s 84% ​​share of the vote in 2018 was higher than Trump’s 82% in November. Murray Republicans accepted the blame by acclamation, meaning that no vote was recorded.

Kemp’s 2018 voter turnout in small towns and rural areas, which exceeded Trump’s share of the vote in less populous counties, was necessary to defeat Democrat Stacey Abrams with just 55,000 of 4 million votes cast. Trump lost Georgia to Biden with about 12,000 votes out of 5 million votes cast, with only a slight drop.

And with their Senate losses in January, former Sens. David Perdue and Kelly Loeffler – both viewed by a narrow group of conservatives as insufficiently loyal to Trump – themselves did not do justice to Trump’s support. And their national deficit was larger than Abrams’ deficit with Kemp in 2018.


Associate press reporter Jeff Amy contributed.