No one should doubt that the aggressions of 2008, 2014 and 2022 are part of the same Russian strategy to redraw borders in Europe, and the goal is the collective West itself, writes Vakhtang Makharoblishvili.
Vakhtang Makharoblishvili is Georgia’s Ambassador to the EU.
Sunday (7 August) marked the 14th year since Russia launched a full-scale military aggression in Georgia, testing the target country for its democracy and European and Euro-Atlantic decision-making and the collective West for its ability to be principle- and rule-based International order to defend. Reflecting on this war is even more important now as the world witnesses Russia’s unprovoked, ongoing aggression in Ukraine.
The pattern of military invasion of independent countries was set in 2008 when Russia launched a massive attack on Georgia by land, sea, air and cyberspace. The scale of this short war was remarkably large for the small Eastern European country.
Dozens of cities across Georgia were bombed and over fifty Georgian villages around Tskhinvali were burned to the ground. Russia took control of more than five more valleys and continued the illegal occupation of Abkhazia and South Ossetia/Tskhinvali regions.
The human toll of the Russian invasion was no less devastating, claiming hundreds of lives – mostly peaceful civilians – and leading to another wave of forcible displacement of ethnic Georgians. This brings the total number of internally displaced persons and refugees who have been displaced from their homes as a result of ethnic cleansing since the early 1990s to half a million.
The long-awaited verdict on the 2008 invasion came just last year, when the Strasbourg court found Russia responsible for gross human rights abuses during the war and during the period of continued occupation of Georgian lands.
Violations include killing, torture, rape, inhumane treatment, arbitrary detention, ethnic cleansing, looting and burning of Georgians’ homes. The ECtHR also recognized Russia as the state effectively controlling the occupied territories of Georgia and confirmed that Moscow continues to violate the EU-brokered ceasefire agreement of August 12, 2008.
Since that war, Russia has increased its illegal military presence in the Abkhazia and South Ossetia/Tskhinvali regions and intensified steps towards their de facto annexation and projected its power in the wider Black Sea region. The occupying forces continue regular military exercises, along with the kidnapping and illegal detention of Georgians. The erection of small “Berlin Walls” in the form of barbed wire or high fences in the midst of local yards and gardens has become an everyday nightmare for all of Georgia.
The vulnerability is particularly palpable in the villages bordering the occupation line. These people continue to live in their homes at high risk of death.
Amid the daily provocations on the occupation line, many cases risked leading to further open hostilities, including the torture and murder of D.Basharuli, G.Otkhozoria and A.Tatunashvili due to ethnicity, as well as the creeping occupation – Russian security forces are seizing additional hectares of Georgian-controlled territory, quietly pushing the occupation line.
Against this background, the escalation of a more significant armed conflict could only be prevented by the established EU-supported peace architecture, such as the formats of the international Geneva talks and mechanisms for preventing and responding to incidents, as well as the presence of the EU Observer Mission in Georgia.
For its part, Georgia is consistently pursuing a sustainable, peaceful conflict resolution policy. Over the years, the Georgian government has spared no effort to advance its peace policy in two main directions – on the one hand, the deoccupation of the regions of Abkhazia and South Ossetia/Tskhinvali, and on the other hand, promoting engagement and building trust between the two communities divided by the line of occupation.
If 14 years ago some skeptics saw an “argument” in “understanding Russia” for its invasion of Georgia in 2008, today no one doubts that the “exercises” of 2008, 2014 and 2022 are parts of the same Russian strategy, they new to draw the borders in Europe and create the new so-called zones of influence, thereby undermining the independence and European aspirations of sovereign countries. And the goal here is the collective West par excellence.
This dangerous adventure will make the whole world realize what is at stake and what the price could be if the free world and nations like Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine are defeated in their fight for freedom and European choices. In the end, it’s about Europe, international security and the future of all of us. And that makes it a time of choice.
Either we want to preserve the rules-based order – where principles work and peace reigns and we all do our best to protect the system – or we risk losing and waking up in a might makes right world where nuclear weapons decide the rules and a large military power decides for small independent countries. I think the choice is clear and unequivocal.
For its part, Georgia stands strong where it needs to be and, despite adverse security challenges, joins the civilized world in taking international action to end this aggressive war. I am proud that Tbilisi was a supporter or co-author of any resolution or decision adopted in New York, Geneva, Vienna, Strasbourg, The Hague or Brussels in support of Ukraine and condemning the Russian invasion.
From the perspective of someone who has been working on EU-related issues for 20 years, I would like to say that in these difficult times the European Union has demonstrated an unprecedented sense of unity and the ability to make strategic decisions quickly.
The EU’s recent bold moves have sent an important signal to the world that the international community will not accept the practice of using force to gain political dominance over the free world. The European Council’s decision of 23 June to grant the European perspective to all three associated partners – Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine – was probably the EU’s most crucial strategic stance over the past decade and has shown that Brussels has indeed become a global one is a geopolitical actor.
Bringing Georgia back into the European family was an aspiration of the government of the 1st Democratic Republic of Georgia in 1918-1921 (later occupied by the Soviet Union) and was a dream of many generations of the Georgian people.
This strong desire and the unity of more than 80% of Georgians regarding the European elections have enabled the country – with 20% of its territory occupied and 10% of its population forcibly displaced – to move forward relentlessly and take concrete steps to undertake towards a democratic transition and European and Euro-Atlantic integration.
Georgia has been a leader in the Eastern Partnership for years, successfully implementing its democratic reforms in the areas of good governance, rule of law, anti-corruption, media pluralism and freedom, human rights, gender equality and protection of minorities, well with a highly professional civil service, strong institutions and civil society.
This overall positive track record has laid the groundwork for the EU’s historic decision, which recognizes Georgia’s prospects for EU membership and expresses its willingness to grant candidate status once the country meets the priorities set by the European Commission.
Despite difficulties, the Government of Georgia is committed to implementing the EC recommendations. Work has already started and Georgia will do its utmost to advance all provisions, further consolidate its democracy, strengthen the rule of law and integration.
Speaking about the lessons of 2008 and 2014 and 2022, I have to say, as I am a firm believer, that consistency and action along with a strategic vision for the trio – Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine – the blacks are that Sea and enlargement are the way to a “free, whole and peaceful Europe” in the future.
